At Shanti Stupa, a 'peace pagoda'in the foothills of Dhauli, the sight that greets the small group of tourists today is quite different from what Emperor Ashoka saw after the Kalinga War of 272 BC. Daya isn't a river of blood, but a sparkling stream in the afternoon sun. And the death and gore of the Kalinga battle have receded far, far beyond the Dhauli Hills into ancient history, a forgotten fact that is now 2,281 years old. What is visible now all around, as a legacy of that monumental clash, are Ashoka's rock edicts, the pleas for compassion from a mighty emperor humbled by the horrors of his own triumph. Sadly, no such remorse is forthcoming from the 'victors' of the more recent bloodbaths in Orissa, or so it seems.
There are no regrets from the religious warriors who have successfully created a "Hindutva laboratory" a few hundred kilometers away, in the tribal district of Kandhamal.
No regrets from the aggressive evangelists who have converted hundreds of the poor to Christianity. And no remorse at all from the traders and other business interests from outside the district who have taken over most of the commerce in the area, and are actively funding the Hindutva campaign.
By craftily working on the old fault lines between the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and the Scheduled Tribes (STs), by exploiting the fears and poverty of the people of Kandhamal, religious fanatics have created mayhem in what has traditionally been a peaceful land.
While the BJP's Lok Sabha candidate from Kandhamal, Ashok Sahu, takes pride in having created a Hindutva laboratory, evangelists are proudly reeling off numbers to show their achievement: from just six per cent of the district's total population in 1971, the number of Christians has grown to 18 per cent today. Sahu, incidentally, was arrested on April 14, for a hate speech, and sent to jail for two weeks after his bail petition was rejected.
Clash of fundamentalisms
On August 27, 2008, Nalin Naik's husband and two other men were returning home after the day's harvest of faith in Kandhamal. Armed with Bibles and belief, the three Pentecostal church members had gone visiting families, preaching the Lord's word, and 'enlightening' them about Christianity.
On their way back to the relief camp, where their families had already shifted following eruptions of violence in several villages, the Bible-wielding warriors of Christianity were waylaid by the trishul-wielding warriors of a Hindutva mob.
Two days later, word reached the camp about three burnt bodies atop a hill. Naik and some others from the camp, accompanied by security personnel, went up and identified the bodies. Naik recognised her husband from his half-burnt shoes and wrist watch.
Identifying the living -- Christians from Hindus, SCs from STs -- is more difficult here. It is possible only for those who have been next-door neighbours for years. And it was precisely such neighbours who led the mobs as they swept down on Christian families in their villages. At least 41 were killed in a few weeks' time and hundreds more were injured during the riots in Kandhamal last year.
Slaughter in the villages
Village after village of Kandhamal district has been 'cleaned' of Christians. If Christians want to return to their villages, they have to reconvert to Hindusim, and in many cases, pay a 'fine' of a few thousand rupees. "If we have to go back, we have to go back as Hindus. If we return as Christians, they will kill us," says Girija Digal, a resident of Gondogaon village.
When the attackers first came to Digal's village, Christians fled to the forest, and later made their way to the relief camp. Many of Digal's Christian neighbours have shifted out to cities or fled the state itself. Over 3,000 Christians are crowded into protected relief camps. Their numbers were as high as 25,000 at one point. Many of them have gone back home, voluntarily reconverting to Hinduism and buying peace with the Hindutva activists.
Some others, like Tileswar Digal, a retired Army soldier, have dared to go back and sleep in their burnt houses. "We are hearing that after the elections they will destroy whatever remains," says Tileswar. "Most of our livestock, household, and agricultural products have been stolen. We are trying to protect whatever is left."
As the Christians struggle for basic amenities in the relief camps, it isn't as if the 'Hindus' in the villages are leading apeaceful life. The 'liberated' Hindu villages are under heavy police protection and fear of the Naxals hangs heavy in the air. The saffron flags flutter over most houses, and a BJP wave in the elections seems a foregone conclusion.
In the town of Tikawali, the traders are overwhelmingly in favour of the BJP for the state assembly elections. The candidate, Manoj Pradhan, is a fanatical follower of Swami Lakshmanananda Saraswati of the VHP, whose murder last year triggered the anti-Christian riots. The murdered Swami had spearheaded an anti-conversion movement in the region. Pradhan was allegedly leading the rioters from the front, and is in jail now.
Ashram of the slain Swami
About four hours' drive from Tikawali is the ashram of Swami Lakshmanananda Saraswati. The two rooms and the bathroom still carry marks of the Naxal attack on August 23 last year, which killed five people, including the ageing Swami.
"Swamiji was clear that he would not allow Kandhamal to become a Christian district," says Neelambar Upadhyay, who has been deputed by the VHP's Cuttack office to look after the ashram. "The Christians arein league with the Naxals," he alleges. But the administration does not have any evidence of such a nexus.
However, for the local police personnel and many observers, one thing is becoming clear: the influence of the Naxals in the area is set to increase as they 'deliver' justice for the oppressed Christians. At several police and CRPF pickets, the personnel are clear who they must fear: the Naxals surprising them in the night.
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